Blocquel published the advice series in , at a time when guide books were just starting to appear, Von Der Linn added. The concept of the restaurant had just been introduced, and thus emerged how-to's on eating out and gastronomy etiquette, as well as books on animal husbandry, household care, and anything else you could think of.
Encyclopedia of Nineteenth Century Thought provides essential information on, and a critical interpretation of, nineteenth-century thought and. trucencresov.tk: Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-Century Thought (): Gregory Claeys: Books.
As they were circulated from one woman to the next, they would deteriorate; not surprisingly, few have survived today. Essentially, if you thought a preoccupation with never-ending streams of beauty advice -- think: 8 Ways To Make Your Hair Look Younger -- was a 21st century phenomenon, you'd be wrong. Behold, a few examples of the bizarre bits of information every young women just had to know in the early 19th century:.
To fight wrinkles: mix onion juice, honey, and melted wax, spread on face and leave overnight. Keep ants away by sprinkling tobacco in chests of drawers and wherever else you find them. For cramps, take drops of a warm sage and cinnamon solution until the body sweats, and observe your diet very carefully. For canker sores, gargle with dishwater and camphor oil, followed by a laxative tonic of rhubarb. Lace and embroidery in ladies' clothing often causes embarrassing and unpleasantly sweaty hands.
Remedy this by rubbing with a bit of rye seed. Linnaeus established six distinct varieties of homo sapiens , grouped according to characteristics, complexion, and continent, adding unspeaking wild men and monstrous peoples including pygmies in Africa, supposed giants in Patagonia, and Indians who flattened the heads of infants to sanguine and inventive white Europeans; lazy, careless, and cunning black Africans; melancholy, haughty, and tradition-bound yellow Asians; and red warlike Indians who lived by habit.
Other scholars practiced natural history while insisting on the gulf that separated humanity from beasts. Buffon counted six races discarding monsters and wild men , while acknowledging individual diversity within races and stressing that environmental influences associated with human migration would produce degeneration over time and place. Other scholars worked to refine racial classifications.
The earliest categorizations of diverse nations into single races can be seen with respect to Africans and those descended from Africans; but similar taxonomic practices were applied to Indians, whose diversity colonizers had long emphasized, in the 18th century. Most of these were not essentialist. Buffon, for instance, believed that all American Indians were underdeveloped in body and mind, as were other species of American flora and fauna, because the American land was unhealthy.
Some writers fused theories of stages and theories of genealogy. De Pauw and William Robertson, for instance, applied savagery to the presumed shared ancestry of all the indigenous peoples of the Americas.
Although the view was heretical, some early-modern theorists insisted that the seeming cultural, linguistic, and physical difference of Africans and American Indians to other peoples indicated that they shared no common descent. By the middle of the 18th century, towering intellectual figures such as Hume and Voltaire spoke unambiguously of races being different species of humanity that possessed inferior characters and capacities.
Among the most inflammatory, because the orthodox considered it so insidious, was that of Henry Home, Lord Kames. Sketches of the History of Man suggested that the story of the Tower of Babel, in which God confused human tongues and dispersed nations, should be interpreted as casting humanity into a savagery from which different peoples emerged at differing rates, just as they would have if different nations had descended from different original pairs.
By the final quarter of the 18th century, views of separate creations and of distinct species of a human genus, had achieved unprecedented respectability, with some colonials, such as Edward Long and the surveyor Bernard Romans, offering more straightforward views of polygenesis. Even for ordinary Americans who knew little of philosophical debates, notions that large swaths of population were separated from one another by traits, perhaps inherent, that included way of life and moral character as much as appearance grew increasingly common by the midth century.
In the ethnically diverse mid-Atlantic, especially outside of the city of New York where slaves were nearly a fifth of the population , immigrants and their descendants recognized little common ground with other Europeans before the midth century. Hector St. A white racial identity also emerged from the narrowing of diverse early-modern forms of bonded labor to the stark binary of enslaved and free, and the gradual emancipation of slaves in states north of Maryland in the early years of the U. Racial lines defined citizenship in the early republic. Mexicans, Catholic like the Irish and guaranteed citizenship under the Treaty of Guadelupe-Hidalgo , were disfranchised on racial grounds.
Sanford , the U. Racial categories also gained significance among people of Native and African descent. This new diasporic identity, rooted in a sense of pride, suffering, and racial difference from Europeans, was not limited to black intellectuals alone. In the wave of post-revolutionary emancipation, free blacks established churches e. Each rested upon and deepened the shared history and identity among people of African descent.
Diasporic ties and a national identity, however, remained at odds. Colonists did not identify with pagans, and the black public in the United States rejected colonization as demeaning of itself and as a slaveholder strategy to strengthen the institution by removing free blacks. These tensions were especially charged in the wake of the Haitian Revolution, which heightened race-based hopes and fears.
In advocating a black uprising, Walker offered a jarring, and for many a terrifying, alternative to complacent calls for colonization or the gradual amelioration of slavery and prejudice. A racial identity also emerged among some Natives in the 18th century. Indians had long noticed physical distinctions, but did not consider them immutable.
While initially this likely referred to the traditional moiety division among Creeks with red denoting war and white peace , in the succeeding decades the designation clearly came to refer to skin color. This message was most fully amplified at mid-century by Neolin Delaware , whose message inspired Pontiac Ottawa , and many others. In the first two decades of the 19th century, Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh Shawnee , as well as Hillis Hadjo Creek , offered similar messages to similar effect, inspiring numerous warriors to attempt to drive back whites.
These radical racial messages sought to create a unified pan-Indian identity, but they also divided Indians precisely because they cut against older, more familiar identifications with village, clan, language, and tribe. Racial ideas also flourished among those who very deliberately adapted Euro-American religion and political economy. Drawing, in part, on indigenous views of separate creations, many Catawbas, Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws adapted traditional notions of captivity to plantation slavery.
Diverse southern New England and upper Hudson Valley Algonquians came together to form the communities of Stockbridge and Brothertown, but frustrated by white prejudice and pressure, they relocated to live among the Oneidas, ethnically distinct traditional rivals but fellow Christians.
Please read our Copyright Information page for important copyright information. Work in the factories was very disciplined, so the women could not bring their children to the factory, and could not take breaks at will. The intense site does the Apple electron-molecule. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Ferrier— Scottish Philosophy, the Old and the New
Racial ideas also provided a means of social criticism. Apess and others drew upon tribal and Indian identities in an era when whites not only forced Indian removal to the West but also denied the existence of Native people who remained in the East. These racial identities played a crucial role in the U.
The question of whether races could change received sustained attention in the context of revolutionary natural rights ideology and gradual emancipation in the North. Figures whose race seemed to be in some way unstable, such as the black Virginian Henry Moss, sparked the curiosity of popular crowds and debates among the learned.
Benjamin Rush thought Moss confirmed his theory that blackness was a form of leprosy, demanding strict prohibitions on interracial sex, while Samuel Stanhope Smith accepted Moss as proof that a free American environment was gradually eliminating blackness, a process that intermixture with whites would accelerate. Moss himself believed his transformation to be the work of Providence, perhaps because exhibiting himself provided the means to purchase his freedom. Medical discourses remained crucial to racial notions.
In slave markets, blackness was a sign of health and strength for field hands, though lighter skin was preferred for domestics, despite its association with intelligence and the risk of slaves running away and passing as free. The Mobile physician Josiah Nott predicted the extermination of whites and blacks if intermixture proceeded, which the craniologist Samuel G.
Morton refined into an elaborate polygenetic theory of hybridization that postulated the possibility, contra Buffon, of distinct species producing fertile offspring, but with fertility diminishing with biological distance. Such theories shaped the defense of slavery as a positive good as well as state laws, plantation management, and even international diplomacy. Calhoun drew upon the results of the deeply flawed census, which recorded implausible levels of insanity and suicide among northern free blacks, in a proslavery defense of Texas annexation.
The malleability of physical differences was a hotly contested issue in these years, though theories of fixity steadily gained in prominence throughout the first half of the 19th century. Samuel Stanhope Smith argued that skin color resulted from the reciprocal effects of climate and social state. While some authorities, such as the eminent British ethnologist James Cowles Prichard, cited him in defense of their own environmentalist theories, American opponents such as Charles Caldwell and John Augustine Smith, ridiculed such explanations of difference.
Work by John C. Warren and Samuel G. In subsequent publications he explicitly argued for polygenesis. His associate George Gliddon elaborated these views in public lectures and polemical, stridently anticlerical articles based upon physical ethnology and hieroglyphics. Indians also captured attention, frequently focused on Indian origins and broader debates about polygenesis. Language was a crucial field of investigation. In the retired missionary John Heckewelder and the lawyer Peter S.
Such theories converged with similar work in Europe, such as that of Wilhelm von Humboldt, who formulated his views in conversation with American philologists.
Schoolcraft, philology could seem to undermine philanthropy. Learned and popular interest in Indian antiquities and customs was also central to racial theories. Most of these peoples were interpreted in light of a racial binary that associated dark skin with servility and native status with savagery; possessors of the former were disqualified from republican citizenship, while possessors of the latter were incapable of civilization. In addition, innumerable representations and misrepresentations of European and nonwhite peoples, societies, and histories appeared in the popular press.
Despite the importance of racial theories to proslavery, removal, and conquest, some ethnologists argued against the most pernicious forms of racism. Some nonwhites challenged race science even more deeply. William W. Racial ideas were fiercely debated in early America. Did the races share a common ancestry? Were the races fixed, or capable of alteration or improvement? For all this uncertainty, however, race acquired legal power and social significance—for whites circumscribing the boundaries of democracy; for Indians and blacks defending their lands and their freedom—in the U.
The earliest histories of the emergence of modern, biological ideas about race in the midth century appeared in the civil rights era. Winthrop D. George M. For an overview, see Alden T. Studies of Indians have focused on the emergence of ideas of savagery. Among the most important contributions have been made by those scholars who have centered questions of gender and sex to constructions of race, such as Kathleen M. The centrality of lineage to ideas of race has been increasingly appreciated.
Spear, Goetz, and Harvey build on this insight. Many titles have traced the emergence of racial ideas among diverse groups. On ideas of whiteness, see David R.